Both Vladimir Putin and successive Ukrainian leaders have launched a project to erase and redefine the history of their people.
Peace is not a great guess for Wordle, it’s a five-letter word. This is not the case. Dostoevsky told us that there are no heroes in war. We forget that. The horrors of war can be seen in videos, reels and news, and it is a phenomenon that dominates Western society and politics. In their eyes, they sing the teachings of democracy as a call for tribal survival, ignoring deep issues.
On March 15, in a speech in Ukrainian, President Vladimir Zelensky chanted “Glory to Ukraine” in the Canadian Parliament. He then addressed the US Congress in English. As he continues to seek help from democratic world leaders, the West seems to be suffering from a form of collective amnesia.
In the cacophony of Westplain, where the term is used to describe the war that is unfolding in Eastern Europe, scholars there have encountered a region of analytical schemes (full of Cold War-era rhetoric and independence-seeking politics). -state interest) determined from the outside.
“Eastern Europe is relatively small in Eastern Europe,” said Polish linguist Piotr Tvardzis. There are more in Western Europe, or in the West in general. “Emotional and illogical, we are confused and confused between nations and peoples. is in a hurry to reconcile with.
The events of the epoch, such as the war, raise complex issues of causation and make it necessary to study history as a basis for intelligent and deliberate political analysis.
Can memory save us from history?
For Russia, Ukraine is not a foreign country, and their stories are intertwined. At its core is the Russian heritage of Kyiv, which dates back to the medieval Eastern Slavic Orthodox Empire, which attracted both Russia and Ukraine. Not surprisingly, Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kirill earlier this month called the war a spiritual conflict for the Russian nation “for eternal salvation” and preached “we are at war.” a metaphysical struggle, not a physical one. “
Similarly, as the legend of the founding of the Ukrainian nation, Mikhail Khrushchev, the first president of Ukraine, who briefly became independent in 1917-18, considered the heritage of Kyiv to be a central part of Ukrainian history and a country that declared its history. The future without Russia.
This war once again demonstrates how post-Soviet countries have used the new national narrative and clashed with the Soviet empire since the collapse of the former Soviet Union. However, it would be foolish to reduce the current conflict to a realistic school of Eastern and Western confrontation, as in the Western interpretation. Instead, both Moscow and Kiev are absorbing the legacy of the medieval East Slavic Union and re-evaluating its memory: they are fighting a war of memories – a war to reclaim the past.
Laws to make unprotected
In the spring of 2008, the TV show “Great Ukrainians” attracted the attention of the people. This was a popular version of the “theory of the great men of history.” Ukrainians had to vote for someone they considered “the greatest Ukrainian.”
When the time came to show these people, an argument broke out. Stepan Bandera, a third-ranking nationalist and controversial nationalist and Nazi ally who emerged as a symbol of Ukraine’s struggle for independence, was the topic of discussion. Western Ukraine voted for him, while eastern Ukraine opposed him.
One commentator, Boris Bakhteev, issued a stern warning about the show: “Society checks itself, not geniuses and heroes.” It was a far-sighted observation. The third president, Viktor Yushchenko, whose term ended in January 2010, presented Bandera with the title of “Hero of Ukraine.”
By the end of World War I, Ukrainians had become the largest minority in the two sovereign states of the Soviet Union and the Republic of Poland. He resisted all attempts to reconcile with Ukraine’s large minority of five million people and thwarted any attempt to bring Ukrainian-Polish relations closer.
The Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (OUN) was founded in 1929 as an ultra-nationalist organization. Earlier, a Ukrainian military organization was set up by Ukrainian veterans in Poland to seek to change the national border.
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In 1940, the OUN was divided into two groups, the OUN (M), led by the conservative Andriy Melnik, and the OUN (B), the radical Bandera.
The OUN (B), as an ally of the Nazis, was involved in the massacre of Jews, Poles, and other minorities. “Considering communism as a Jewish project was the cornerstone of the OUN (B) ideology.” OUN (B) followers are also known as “bandits,” a term Putin used to refer to a group of Ukrainians.
However, by January 2010, Badera’s Ukrainian national title had been revoked after a court ruled that he had been “exiled after World War II and killed in Germany in 1959 before the passage of German law in 1959.” Declaration of Independence of Ukraine in 1991. Ironically, according to Thucydides, Poland is today Ukraine’s ally in the fight against Russia. At the beginning of this century, the “Bandrits” once again gained the right to dig into the past history of Ukraine, to create a historical narrative and originality.
Why did Bandera appear as a critical figure? “Bandera and the revolutionary nationalists of Ukraine have once again become important elements of the uniqueness of the Ukrainian West. The Union. Ukraine’s post-Soviet politics ignored democratic values and did not develop an unforgivable attitude in history, ”wrote Grzegorz Rossolinski-Libe in a prestigious biography of Stepan Bandera., Genocide, and Cult) [x.553].
Oliver Stone’s documentary “Ukraine is Burning”, directed by Igor Lopatonok, depicts the unrest of more than a decade later, and author Eduard Kurkov writes about the regime change from Euromaidan. author sensitive. However, we cannot ignore in this article the famous speeches of the then US Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland and the US Ambassador to Ukraine Jeffrey Pyatt. (Slipper)
But the Ukrainian leadership had a different view of how to write 20th century history.
In May 2015, President Petro Poroshenko did not veto four controversial laws that set the course for rewriting the modern history of the new nation. It was aimed at breaking away from the country’s communist past. Together, they are called the Laws for the Elimination of Communication, which are “instructions for the removal of the remnants of the communist era (monuments, street names), instructions on how to write the history of the country, as well as new measures to restructure the state archives.” The move toward democracy seemed polite and soft, hiding harsh measures such as the legal status of the protesters, the punishment of public protests, and the whitening of historical facts.
Two of these four laws are controversial. First, the Law on the Legal Status and Respect of Ukrainian Independence Fighters in the 20th Century lists individuals and organizations that have carried out ethnic cleansing in the past. According to the law, veterans of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the Ukrainian Rebel Army (UPA) who followed Bandera were entitled to state benefits and illegally denounced or disrespected their role in the struggle for Ukrainian independence, calling it an illegal “crime.” Their memories. “
Lily Hyde, a journalist living in Ukraine, said: “Even though they know a lot about Bandera and the two military units, their role in history will show how controversial they are not only for Ukraine and Russia, but also for Europe. This is especially true for Poland, Ukraine’s current ally against Russia. will be needed. The communist totalitarian regime in Ukraine in 1917-1991. “
In an open letter, more than 70 scholars and writers expressed their deep concern that “as scholars and experts who have long worked for the renaissance and freedom of Ukraine, we are deeply aware of these laws.” Their content and ideas conflict with freedom of speech, one of the most fundamental political rights. Their adoption raises serious questions as to whether Ukraine is adhering to the principles of the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, along with a number of treaties and ceremonial declarations adopted since regaining its independence in 1991. Ukraine’s image and reputation will be deep in Europe and North America. Most importantly, these laws will reassure and support those who seek to divide and divide Ukraine. “
In defense of Ukraine’s new laws, Alexander Motyl, a professor of political science at Rutgers University, acknowledged that “critics are right about the importance of the search for truth.” But it is wrong to say that these laws will hinder that search. On the contrary, they will eventually make it possible. “
Considering that the Ukrainian National Memory Project has been important for the creation of a modern independent state since independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the destruction of communications is the most difficult and only readable.
National Memory Institute
Ukraine’s passage of laws to destroy communications has intensified the war of the past. Of course, his seeds were planted after the end of the Cold War, when the archives were opened.
Volodymyr Vyatrovich, a 44-year-old Ukrainian historian, activist and member of the European Solidarity Party, has been a key driver of the law on the destruction of communications. Viatrovich worked in 2006 to establish the Ukrainian National Memory Institute (UINM) as his motto: “Reflect on the Past” and “Opportunities for the Future”. However, after the 2010 riots, he fell behind in priorities to recover. During the 2014 Euromaidan on behalf of the government.
Viatrovich was officially the company’s director from 2014 to 2019, during which time he was accused of whitewashing Ukraine’s past. Josh Cohen, a former US Agency for International Development (USAID) project officer who oversaw economic reforms in the former Soviet Union, said: Unlike many Russian-speaking people in eastern Ukraine who have celebrated the Red Army’s heroic deeds during World War II, they send a message that they are outside, unlike the creators of the country’s ethnic legends. . In particular, scientists fear that they may take revenge for calling Viatrovich about the lack of an official concept or historical distortions. Under Viatrovich, the country may enter a new and terrible era of censorship. “
“There are Ukrainian intellectuals and historians who do not take sides to show that Ukrainian society can actually have an open public, but give a different version of the Putinist brutal propaganda article that really overcame the propaganda issue,” he said. discussion and no other myth is needed to challenge the old myth. These resources, these people – again – are in Ukraine. We also want to support them and not support Viatrovich and what he represents, “said Tariq Kirill Amar, an associate professor of Ukrainian history at Columbia University and one of the 70 signatories who opposed the law on the destruction of communications.
Swedish historian Per Anders Rudling points out that “the re-establishment of far-right groups involved in the major Jewish and anti-Polish violence under Yushchenko and Poroshenko has worsened relations with Ukraine’s neighbors.” . In response to the restoration of OUN (B) and UPA, in 2016 Poland recognized the genocide of the Polish minority in Volyn in 1943 as an act of genocide and announced the director of OUN (B) of the National Memory Institute of Ukraine. Person non grata in Poland. “
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